‘Universalise Food Distribution So No One Goes Hungry During Pandemic’

Shreehari Paliath

[The pandemic-induced lockdowns have had a profound impact on livelihoods, affecting poor Indians’ food intake, studies show. In October 2020, more than half the respondents of a Hunger Survey said their rice/wheat consumption had declined during the lockdown and ensuing months. Two in three reported that the quantity of food they consumed “decreased somewhat” or “decreased a lot”.

A June 2021 report of the Stranded Workers Action Network on migrant worker distress during the second wave found that they had inadequate dry rations, no work and less than Rs 200 cash available.

There is no shortage of foodgrain stocks in government granaries. In its March 2021 report on price policy for kharif crops, the Commission on Agricultural Costs and Prices reiterated its recommendation to dispose of excess foodgrain stocks to “save huge carrying cost of excessive stocks and ease storage space constraint”. Despite additional offtake of foodgrains and higher exports during 2020-21, rice and wheat stock as on February 28 was nearly 2.7 times more than the stocking norms–58.2 million tonnes, for the quarter beginning April 1.

These stocks should have been used to alleviate the distress caused by the second wave of the pandemic, says Anjali Bhardwaj, transparency activist and founder of the Delhi-based Satark Nagrik Sangathan (SNS) or Society for Citizens’ Vigilance Initiatives. Bhardwaj is also a member of the Right to Food Campaign, which advocates for the universalisation of the Public Distribution System (PDS), social security and right to work. To ensure that poor and vulnerable households do not go hungry, PDS must be universalised, she says.

Food rights groups and activists have highlighted the plight of migrant workers and the poor, and made submissions in the Supreme Court. Yet, “adequate steps have not been taken showing total apathy and lack of political will”, she tells us in an interview.]

Edited excerpts:

Shreehari Paliath: In October, Hunger Watch survey reported that even after the end of the national lockdown, the hunger situation was “grave”. Has the access to food essentials and rations improved since and during recent statewide lockdowns?

Anjali Bhardwaj: Nearly 90% of India’s workforce is in the informal sector, with a large percentage working as daily wagers. A lockdown results in the cessation of earning opportunities for them. The national lockdown in 2020 was imposed at an extremely short notice, without adequately addressing the two grave challenges the working poor and migrants faced due to loss of livelihoods: the inability to feed their families and themselves, and the lack of resources to pay for their accommodation at work destinations. This led to the widespread distress the nation witnessed, with migrant workers walking hundreds of miles to return to their villages.

The government announced the PM Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana (PMGKAY) to provide extra 5 kg of foodgrains (to individuals) and 1 kg of dal (to households) free of cost [every month] for 800 million ration card holders under the National Food Security Act (NFSA). The PDS became a lifeline for those in rural and urban areas. But millions of poor not covered under the food security system–especially migrant workers who often do not have the necessary address proofs and documents–were in distress. Eventually, nearly two months after imposition of the lockdown, under the Atma Nirbhar Bharat Abhiyan, the Centre made provision to provide free foodgrains for two months for up to 80 million non-ration card holders.

Even after the lockdown was lifted in 2020, economic activity has not resumed fully. We [Right to Food Campaign] have been asking the government to take cognisance of the acute distress and unemployment. The PMGKAY and the Atma Nirbhar Bharat scheme were stopped despite issues [of access to food essentials].

In the second wave, most states imposed lockdowns. Governments have been in denial about the distress–stating that there has been no national lockdown. If governments had learnt lessons from the national lockdown, they would have been able to alleviate the distress during the second wave to a large extent. They should have provided similar food security measures for ration and non-ration card holders. Unfortunately, it seems no lessons were learnt to tackle the second wave.

PMGKAY was restarted by the central government [to last] until June [2021] and then extended until Diwali for ration card holders, but it has not restarted the Atma Nirbhar scheme for non-ration cards, who are often the poorest and most marginalised.

SP: More than half the migrant workers in Delhi-NCR who had called a workers’ helpline in May 2021 said that they had less than two days of rations left, no income and almost no savings due the lockdown. The Supreme Court (SC) has ordered states to ensure access to food dry rations. Why are states slow in responding?

AB: We approached the SC in the ongoing migrant workers case, demanding that a system be created to provide support for those without ration cards. The SC asked the states to provide dry rations to migrant and stranded workers who do not possess ration cards. The court directed that the Atma Nirbhar or a similar scheme be initiated. Unfortunately, the Centre has not acted and most state governments have not put adequate measures in place.

The first wave visibilised the problem. In the second wave, there has been a focus on the acute health crisis, but the fallout of the economic crisis has not grabbed headlines like it did last year.

Even before the pandemic, millions in India lived in poverty and hunger has been a reality for many. Child malnutrition has been extremely high. There has been a policy failure and the pandemic has exacerbated the issue. Existing laws and schemes do not reach the unorganised and informal workers. In the 2018 Shramjeevi Mahila Samiti case, the court gave directions to create a national database of unorganised sector workers. It was supposed to be created by the Centre and data added by the states. This portal is still not functioning.

The Right to Food Campaign has consistently demanded the universalisation of the PDS. That is the only way to create a comprehensive food security net in the country. Targeted PDS under the National Food Security Act leads to the exclusion of a very large number of needy families. The unwillingness to universalise the PDS, especially at this time of crisis, is absolutely inexplicable given the record high foodgrain stocks in the country–nearly 100 million tonnes. There is no reason why the government cannot open its granaries to ensure that no one goes hungry. Despite our submissions to the SC and the government being aware of distress, adequate steps have not been taken showing total apathy and lack of political will.

Affidavits filed by the state governments in the Supreme Court show that most states do not have proper schemes to provide rations to people not covered under the NFSA. Following the directions of the apex court, the Delhi government has announced a scheme to provide foodgrains to 2 million people without ration cards.

SP: There has been a tussle between the Delhi government and the Centre over the door-to-door delivery of PDS, which the Centre has not approved. Food rights activists and networks have raised concerns including the lack of public consultation in the drafting of the scheme, the possibility of ineligible beneficiaries getting ration and the need for consent from ration card-holders for home delivery. Your comments?

AB: During the national lockdown in 2020, the Delhi government said it would provide rations to 1 million who do not have ration cards. But the Delhi Rozi Roti Adhikar Abhiyan (DRRAA, a food rights campaign) moved the High Court highlighting that 1 million is wholly inadequate, and anyone who requires ration must be provided it. Following the High Court’s orders, under the Delhi government’s e-coupon scheme, in 2020, it provided ration to nearly 7 million people without ration cards. This shows how inadequate the coverage of the National Food Security Act is in Delhi.

DRRAA has again challenged the cap of 2 million imposed by the Delhi government this time. Further, it is a one-time provision of ration, which is totally inadequate. Whatever little savings the working poor had, have been used up during the lockdowns. The Delhi government must issue temporary Covid ration cards, and provide rations to all those in need till the pandemic ends.

The Centre must also restart the Atma Nirbhar Bharat scheme, and assist all state governments in providing rations to migrant and other unorganised sector workers who are not covered under the PDS. All state governments must move towards universalisation of PDS, and also use their own resources, where necessary, to provide ration for those left out. States like Kerala and Tamil Nadu are already doing it.

The door-to-door delivery is fine in principle, but there are many potential implementation challenges, like monitoring the quality of ration delivered or time of delivery. At the ration shop, bad quality foodgrain can be rejected and people can collectively complain. But at home this will be difficult. There has been no public consultation on the scheme. The government can undertake a pilot without disrupting food security. Also, if the Delhi government is keen on doorstep delivery and is being stopped by the central government, it could issue ration cards to those not covered under the PDS currently and deliver rations to them at home. The central government cannot stop the Delhi government from doing that. If the experience is successful, it can be used to advocate for door-step delivery to National Food Security Act beneficiaries.

SP: The Centre had announced in May 2020 that it would ensure 100% portability of ration across the country by March 2021. In June 2021, it told the Supreme Court that by December 2020, 86% of the population that qualifies under the National Food Security Act in 32 states/UTs had been bought under the One Nation, One Ration Card (ONORC) system. But migrants found it hard to access dry nations even during state lockdowns. How has ONORC worked on the ground?

AB: Nobody can deny that portability, in principle, is good. However, the implicit assumption here is that a person has a ration card. ONORC can help only those who have ration cards. With no universalisation and rampant exclusion of poor families from the PDS, talking about ONORC, without expanding coverage under the National Food Security Act, is misleading. Also, there is a problem with the way in which portability is sought to be achieved–through Aadhaar-based biometric authentication. Experience has shown this leads to huge exclusion errors because: ePOS (electronic point of sale devices) do not work due to poor internet connectivity and irregular electricity supply in many parts of the country; biometrics do not match, especially for those who do manual labour, etc. In Delhi, the ePOS was discontinued because it was leading to large-scale exclusions. [Unless] effective mechanisms are put in place to override these problems manually, the poor and vulnerable will suffer. In effect, to resolve a problem, the solution being proposed might create even bigger challenges.

Food distribution must be universalised during the pandemic so that people do not go hungry, and eventually solutions like smart cards can be used to ensure portability.

SP: Anganwadis and mid-day meals are critical to nutrition programmes for children. How has this been managed in the last one year considering the logistical challenges and anxieties thrown up by the pandemic?

AB: Anganwadis and mid-day meals are critical for childrens’ nutrition both in rural and urban areas. Schools have been shut down due to the pandemic. While a hot, cooked meal for children is the best solution, if that is not possible during the pandemic, adequate dry ration and some cash transfers can be provided to ensure nutrition for children. Currently the cash transfers are barely Rs 4 a day. The fall-out of poor implementation of mid-day meals and other food security schemes for children can be seen in increased malnutrition and hunger in children.

The Delhi government said that it would give around 2.5 kg a month as dry ration for children in lieu of MDMs, which was provided in December 2020 for the preceding six months. Nothing has been provided since December.

SP: More than 97% of people in India have become poorer, and the middle-class is estimated to have shrunk by 32 million due to the pandemic. What changes would you recommend to policy around access to food and related entitlements?

AB: Like I mentioned, to ensure food security, the PDS must be universalised. With overflowing granaries, there is no excuse for anyone to go hungry. The food basket must be expanded especially with cooking oil prices at a 11-year high. Pulses need to be added.

Governments must not try to impose technology-based solutions that may lead to exclusion in accessing foodgrains in PDS. Finally, there must be a system to ensure that every family has some cash. Families need to buy vegetables, the young children need milk. Emergency cash transfers need to be ensured for families in economic distress due to the pandemic.

(Shreehari Paliath has reported on public policy around labour and employment, agriculture, water, and elections. He received a special mention at the 2019 Red Ink Awards. Courtesy: IndiaSpend.)

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Another article by Jos Chathukulam and Manasi Joseph, “Addressing the Nutrition Crisis in India in the Time of Covid 19 Pandemic”, published in Mainstream Weekly, gives statistics on the state of nutrition in India before and during the pandemic. Excerpts:

Nutrition Status in Pre Covid India

India has been grappling with all forms of malnutrition for decades. The latest National Family Health Survey (NFHS 5) [1] for the year 2019 -2020 reported a high prevalence of malnutrition among children under five years of age. In the case of stunting (low height for age), wasting (low weight for height) and underweight (low weight for age) — all three key indicators related to nutritional status have worsenedin the country, as per the NFHS 5. Anaemia is widespread and is prevalent among all age groups. According to NFHS 4, over 53 per cent of pregnant women and over 58 per cent of children under five were found anaemic. The latest NFHS 5 also shows that there has been an increase in the prevalence of anaemia among young children, adolescents, pregnant women, non-pregnant women and even men. As many as 68.40 per cent children and 66.40 per cent women surveyed suffer from anaemia. The first phase results of the NFHS 5 are based on the data collected in the pre-pandemic era and that the second phase might reveal a far worse reality as it will take into account the damage done by the pandemic as well.

The 2016-18 Comprehensive National Nutrition Survey (CNNS), the largest micronutrient survey and the first ever nationally representative nutrition survey of children and adolescents in India also showed that 34.70 per cent of children under five are stunted, 17.30 per cent wasted and 33.40 per cent underweight. The 2019 State of Worlds Children Report by United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) stated that 69 per cent of deaths among children under five years of age can be attributed to malnutrition in India.

India is home to half of the wasted children globally (Global Hunger Index Report, 2020). Child wasting is an indicator of acute undernutrition. According to WHO and UNICEF, India has the highest number of Severely Acute Malnutrition (SAM) children in the world with 9.3 million children below the age of five severely wasted, particularly worrying because children with SAM are nine times more likely to die than their well-nourished peers and tens of thousands of young Indian children suffering from SAM go untreated every year.

In the case of inadequate infant and young child feeding practices. The NFHS 5 survey indicates a decline in early initiation of breastfeeding in 12 states/union territories. Meanwhile, the period between 2005-06 to 2015-16 saw some improvement in the nutrition indicators in the country with the overall prevalence of stunting reducing from 48 per cent (NFHS-3) to 38.4 per cent (NFHS-4). It was mainly due to increase in real wages and expansion in a slew of social security schemes. However, post 2016, the economic slowdown and stagnation in wages of the poor have reduced the access of common people to consume good quality nutritious food at an affordable cost and the Covid 19 pandemic has further worsened it.

Nutrition Status in the Time of Covid 19 in India

The first and second waves of Covid 19 had a negative impact on the child and adult nutrition in the country. Children as well as economically disadvantaged are deprived of nutritious food. Food security has been threatened especially in the case of the poorest of the poor due to the pandemic induced lockdown. India have already various programmes aimed at ensuring food security including Mid Day Meal Schemes at schools, Anganwadi Centres (AWCs) under Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS), POSHAN Abhiyan and schemes like Pradhan Mantri Matru Vandana Yojana (PMMVY) and these schemes have helped in addressing the nutrition crisis to a little extent. But following the pandemic induced lockdown, the deliveries of such services and programmes have taken a backseat. Following the lockdown schools were shut and as a result hundreds of children were deprived of mid -day meals at school. When schools were functioning, a child will get a fistful of rice with some vegetables, eggs, and lentils on her plate as a standard meal. But following the pandemic this remains inaccessible. Similarly, 1.3 million AWCs across India also remained closed following the lockdown. AWCs are entrusted with the delivery of preschool education but also health and nutrition services of vulnerable children and their mother under ICDS. India launched ICDS in the mid 1970s with the goal of improving the nutrition, health, and development of children from birth to age six, and to monitor and educate pregnant and lactating mothers, adolescent girls, and women between 15 and 44. ICDS services are offered through AWCs.

In every AWC there are anganwadi workers and they are assisted by an anganwadi helper; an auxiliary nurse midwife who provides health services to pregnant and lactating women and assist in delivery; and an Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs). The anganwadi workers provide take home ration to children, pregnant women, lactating mothers, and adolescent girls. In the aftermath of Covid 19 and lockdown, the anganwadi workers, ASHAs and frontline health staff are overburdened with Covid 19 duties and they have little or no time to monitor the nutrition status of the children and women in their community. Thus the reliable sources for nutritious food for women and children have been closed for a while. Meanwhile, following the first nation wide lockdown in India in March 2020, the government launched Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana Scheme. Under this scheme, beneficiaries of public distribution system (PDS) were entitled to an additional 5 kg of food grain. But that did not solve the hunger and nutrition problem on a large scale as millions of people are excluded from PDS. For instance, based on the population projection for 2020 — over 1,371 million people- the number of people covered under National Food Security Act should have been around 919 million. But only 804 million people were identified under Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana Scheme for additional food grain allocation from July 2020 to November 2020. That is nearly 115 million people who could have been eligible were excluded both from the National Food Security Act and the scheme. Though government allowed those with no ration cards to avail the benefits from PDS shops, it did not go smoothly in many parts of the country as even those holding ration cards had a hard time in availing their due. This in a way made food grains inaccessible to those in need. Lack of nutritious meals will worsen the malnutrition among children and marginalized sections of the society. It will have long term impacts on their health and well being and is already undoing the small progress made over decades in India reducing malnutrition. According to the Child Well Being Report 2020 by World Vision India [2], the Covid 19 pandemic and lockdown has put 115 million children at the risk of malnutrition.

Due to decline in household incomes and loss of jobs, parents in rural as well as urban areas are unable to feed their children and themselves. Thus the bleak social and economic conditions in the aftermath of Covid-19 have pushed the nutrition to a back seat. Despite the worrying developments, the 2020 — 2021 Union Budget decreased allocations to the Women and Child Development Ministry by as much as 18 per cent. The allocations for Poshan Abhiyan have been slashed by a sharp 27 per cent, from Rs. 3,700 crores to Rs. 2,700 crores. (Union Budget 2020-2021, Government of India).

As per the Global Nutrition Report 2020 [3], India will miss targets for four nutritional indicators which include stunting among children under 5, anaemia among women of reproductive age, childhood overweight and exclusive breastfeeding. The report also highlighted India as a country with the highest rates of domestic inequalities in malnutrition (Chathukulam et al. 2020)

“Inequity is a cause of malnutrition — both under-nutrition and overweight, obesity and other diet-related chronic diseases. Inequities in food and health systems exacerbate inequalities in nutrition outcomes that in turn can lead to more inequity, perpetuating a vicious cycle,” says the report. (Global Nutrition Report 2020, p.10).