Dr. Soma Marla
Even 78 years after independence, land ownership in villages is highly skewed. Rich farmers continue to own vast tracts of land while the small farmers possess only a negligible portion. Share of agriculture being mere 16 percent of GDP, eventually 65 percent of rural population are sustaining livelihoods in near poverty. Unless crores of landless get land and democratically participate in production process, it may not be possible to rise agricultural production, productivity and above all improve rural livelihoods. Ironically, in present neolibearal times, distribution of surplus land has not only halted but land reforms are backtracked to benefit big corporations.
Food grain production touched 35.4 cr tons and milk output to 30 crore tons thanks to our hard working farmers. Yet, land less labourers and small farmers are half starved and are dependent on food rations dolled by government. Interestingly the structure of landownership in villages did not change significantly after independence. The lion’s share of land continues to be in hands of the rich-middle peasantry. Only a minor share is owned by small-landless peasantry. Dalit and very backward sections make up a majority of this landless rural poor. As of 2022, small and marginal farmers (constituting 86.2 percent of the farming community), own less than two hectares. These sections own only 45.2 percent of cropped area, while the remaining 47.3 percent (excluding government owned land) is held by a mere 13.8 percent of large and middle sections of farmers. Among rich farming community, a handful of 4.9 percent of very rich farmers ( 0wning more than 10 ha own 32 percent of cultivable total land. This amounts that a rich farmer owns 45 times more land than a small farmer on average (Agricultural census, 2022).
As high as 56.4 percent of rural poor are land less, comprising mostly of dalit and very backward (Atipichadi) sections. While only 11.0 percent of land is owned by Dalits and 12.7 percent of women farmers have land rights.
In Different States
In different states land ownership patterns are more or less similar to the above national pattern. For example in Punjab a mere 10 percent of rich farmers own as high as 80 percent of land. Altough Dalits comprise 32% of state’s population, they own almost no land. The assigned lands, distributed earlier by government (under land reforms) to Dalits and very backward sections and Sham and village community lands are occupied by rich high caste farmers in villages, denying rights of Dalit poor. In Rajasthan, Karnataka rich farmers constituting 10% 0f farming community own as high as 55% of cultivated land. IN U.P for example rich farmers comprising 15% own as high as 56% of total cultivated land. National Sample Survey, 2020 indicates a similar pattern of land ownership in Bihar. In A.P state 41.7% of land is owned by a handful of 13.73% of rich farmers.
In Telangana a mere 3 percent of rich farmers, owning 10 acres and more, own nearly two thirds of cultivated land. Very rich farmers owning 25 acres or more own nearly one fifth of cultivated are. Ironically small farmers constituting 86 percent of total farmer community (own on average below 5 acres) own just 30 percent of total cultivated area in the state. While, 62 percent of small farmers own less than 2 acres. In districts of Nagonda, Khammam for example 60 percent of land is cultivated by tenant farmers. It should be noted that a land less farm worker or a small farmer is increasingly turning to tenant cultivation for survival (Agricultueral Censis,2022, Telangana Govt).
Pauperization
Most farmers a returning into wage labourers since their land is lost. Subsequently land fragmentation increased resulting rise in individual farm holdings and very unprofitable cultivation due to rise in cost of cultivation. Small farmers are rapidly losing their land due to escalation of the cost of cultivation- high costs of fertilizers, diesel, and seed. Small farmers are increasingly being exploited by markets and large agribusiness corporations. On the other hand, due to the lack of remunerative crop MSPs in markets, small farmers became vulnerable to rural indebtedness. This proved even more harmful in times of climate change with its more erratic rainfall and weather patterns. Small farmers became bankrupt in markets and turning tenant farmers or wage labourers.
Landless and small farmers are increasingly becoming tenant farmers and the numbers run to nearly 40 to 60 percent in states such as Telangana, Gujarat, Maharashtra, AP, and West Bengal. The tenant farmers are denied benefits provided by states such as PM Samman, Rytu Bandhu, seed, fertilizer subsidies, crop damage relief compensation, and other forms of relief.
Militant Land struggles
Large sections of farmers actively participated in freedom struggle hoping that independent India would bring freedom from feudal exploitation and land distributed to landless tillers. As a result of farmer struggles and pressure from Communists, Zamindari and Rytwari systems were abolished and some sections of tenant and small farmers did get some land. Militant peasant struggles- Telangana, Tebhanga , Punnapravalar and others waged by CPI during the early 1950s led to the distribution of lakhs of acres of land confiscated from feudal landlords distributed to landless poor in the respective states. During the 1960s and 1970s, militant struggles waged by CPI, AIKS (All India Kisan Sabha) and BKMU (Bharatiya Khet Mazdoor Union) brought land reforms as a major agenda to the mainstream again. These struggles forced the Government of India and various state governments to reconsider the implementation of land reforms. As a result, legislation was made in some states, land ceiling was imposed and some land was confiscated from landlords. But the implementation was feeble and token as they were not comprehensive and pro-people.
Flawed Land Reforms
After imposition of land ceiling limits, all over the country, 68.72 lakh acres of land was declared ceiling surplus, through partially implemented land reforms. However, under the guise of Benami ownership and complicated judicial court litigations large tracks of land parcels still continue (as high as 43% of cultivated land) to remain with rich and feudal sections of farming community. During the last three decades as part of rapid implementation of neoliberal economic reforms successive governments halted distribution of surplus land to rural poor. Instead governments brought forward Land acquisition, corporate farming and other anti farmer legislations and allocated large land parcels to mining and corporate houses.
Land question is central to accomplish national democratic revolution in India. Vast sections of rural poor should actively be mobilized in militant struggles for distribution of surplus land.
(Dr. Soma Marla is Principal Scientist, Crop Genomics, Retd, ICAR, New Delhi & formerly Associate Professor, Bioinformatics, Virginia State University, Blacksburg, USA.)
