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Surrendering to Authoritarianism

Chris Hedges

I was not surprised when Columbia University’s interim president Katrina Armstrong caved to the demands of the Trump administration. She agreed to ban face masks or face coverings, prohibit protests in academic buildings and create an internal security force of 36 New York City Police officers empowered to “remove individuals from campus and/or arrest them when appropriate.” She has also surrendered the autonomy of academic departments, as demanded by the Trump administration, by appointing a new senior vice provost to “review” the university’s department of Middle East, South Asian and African Studies and the Center for Palestine Studies.

Elite universities such as Harvard, Princeton, Columbia or Yale, were created to train and perpetuate the plutocracy. They are not and never have been centers of cutting-edge intellectual thought or hospitable to dissidents and radicals. They cloak themselves in the veneer of moral probity and intellectualism but cravenly serve political and economic power. This is their nature. Don’t expect it to change, even as we fall headlong into authoritarianism.

Armstrong, like most of the heads of our universities, is fruitlessly humiliating herself. She would, I expect, happily make space on her office wall to hang an oversized portrait of the president. But what she does not know, and what history has taught us, is that no appeasement is sufficient with autocrats. She, and the rest of the liberal elites, groveling abjectly in an attempt to accommodate their new masters, will be steadily replaced or dominated by buffoonish goons such as those seeded throughout the Trump administration.

The Department of Education has warned 60 colleges and universities that they could face “potential enforcement actions,” if they do not comply with federal civil rights law that protects students from discrimination based on race or nationality, which includes antisemitism. Columbia, stripped of $400 million in federal grants, is desperately trying to restore the funding. I doubt it will work. Those mounting these assaults against universities intend to turn them into indoctrination machines. The so-called campaign against antisemitism is simply a cynical tool being used to achieve that end.

The warning follows an open letter signed by 200 faculty members on Feb. 3 urging Columbia University to implement measures to “protect Jewish students.” Amongst their demands are the removal of Professor Joseph Massad who teaches Modern Arab Politics and Intellectual History at the university and beginning a Title VI investigation against him, that the university adopt the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance’s (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism, which conflates criticism of Israel with racism against Jews, and the university hire tenured pro-Israel faculty.

These institutions of privilege–I attended Harvard and have taught at Columbia and Princeton–have always been complicit in the crimes of their times. They did not, until the world around them changed, speak out against the slaughter of Native Americans, the enslavement of Africans, the crushing of labor and socialist organizations at the turn of the twentieth century and the purging of institutions, including the academy, during the Red Scare in the 1920s and 1930s, and later the witch hunts under McCarthyism. They turned on their students protesting the war in Vietnam in the 1960s as viciously as they are turning on them now.

Many of the dregs of the Trump administration are products of these elite academic institutions. I can assure you their children will also attend these schools despite their public denunciations. Rep. Elise Stefanik, who humiliated in congressional hearings the presidents of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania, graduated from Harvard. Vice President JD Vance graduated from Yale Law School. Trump graduated from the University of Pennsylvania. Defense Secretary Peter Hegseth went to Princeton University and Harvard’s Kennedy School of Government. Secretary of Health and Human Services Robert F. Kennedy Jr.–who has ordered a review of grants to universities from his agency over allegations of antisemitism–graduated from Harvard.

Professor Katherine Franke, who taught at Columbia Law School for 25 years, recently lost her position at the university for defending Columbia students’ right to protest in favor of a ceasefire of the Israeli slaughter in Gaza and for Columbia University to divest from Israel. She also condemned the spraying of pro-Palestinian protesters on the campus with a toxic chemical that left students hospitalized.

“Part of why I think Colombia was such an easy target–and it’s not just Columbia, I think this is true for Harvard, for Yale, for the elite universities–is that the boards of trustees are no longer made up of people who are involved in education–committed to the educational mission, in some way professionally or otherwise–see themselves as custodians of the special role that the academy plays in a democracy,” she told me.

“Instead, they are hedge fund managers, venture capitalists, corporate lawyers and in our case, arms manufacturers as well.” She went on:

And they see that responsibility is to protect only the endowment. I often describe Columbia–which is the largest residential landlord in New York City–as a real estate holding operation that has a side hustle of teaching classes. It has evolved over time into just a business that enjoys nonprofit status. And so when the pressure started here, there were no voices on the boards of trustees to say, ‘Hey, wait a minute, we have to be the front line of resistance.’ Or at a minimum, we have to defend our academic mission.’ When I was sitting in my living room watching [former] president Minouche Shafik testify before that House committee… I was upset because they mentioned me, but more importantly, the fact that president Shafik did not even begin to defend Columbia, its faculty, its students, our project, our history of being one of the premier universities in the world. Instead, she groveled before a bully. And we all know that when you grovel before a bully, it encourages the bully. And that’s exactly what’s happened here up until today, where they’re still negotiating with the Trump administration on terms that the administration has set. And this university, I think, will never be the same if it survives at all.

Universities and colleges across the country have shut down free speech and squandered their academic integrity. They have brutalized, arrested, suspended and expelled faculty, administrators and students that decry the genocide. They have called police to their campuses–in the case of Columbia three times–to arrest students, often charging them with trespassing. Following the lead of their authoritarian masters they subjected students to internal surveillance. Columbia University, out front on the repression of its students, banned Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voice for Peace a month after Israel’s genocide in Gaza had begun in November 2023, when both organizations called for a ceasefire, long before the protests and encampments began.

Columbia’s violent suppression of protests and decision to lock down its campus, which is now surrounded by security checkpoints, paved the way for the abduction of Mahmoud Khalil, who was a graduate student at the School of International Public Affairs. He is a legal permanent resident. He did not commit a crime. But the university administration had already demonized and criminalized Khalil and the other students, many of whom are Jewish, who dared to protest the mass slaughter in Gaza.

The video–shot by his wife on March 8–of Khalil being taken away by plainclothes federal agents from U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) who did not identify themselves, is a chilling reminder of the secret police abductions I witnessed on the streets of Santiago during the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet.

The law in authoritarian states protects the criminality of the powerful. It revokes due process, basic freedoms and the rights of citizenship. It is an instrument of repression. It is a very small step from the stripping of rights from a legal resident holding a green card to the stripping of rights of any citizen. This is what is coming.

Khalil was ostensibly arrested under the Immigration Nationality Act of 1952, also known as the McCarran-Walter Act. It gives the Secretary of State the power to deport foreign nationals if he has “reasonable ground[s] to believe” their presence or activities in the U.S. “would have potentially serious adverse foreign policy consequences.” It was used to deny entry to the Chilean poet Pablo Neruda, the Colombian writer Gabriel Garcia Márquez and the British author Doris Lessing. It was also used to deport the poet and essayist Margaret Randall and civil rights activist and journalist Claudia Jones. Senator Patrick McCarran, an open admirer of the Spanish dictator Francisco Franco and a rabid antisemite, formulated the act to target not only dissidents and communists, but also Jews. When the law was enacted, it was used to ban Eastern European Jewish Holocaust survivors from entering the U.S. due to their alleged sympathies with the Soviet Union.

“The irony of that is not lost on any of us, that these are laws that are at their core, deeply antisemitic, that are now being deployed in the name of protecting Jewish citizens or our foreign policy goals with the state of Israel,” Franke said.

“And that’s the cynicism of this administration. They don’t give a darn that there’s that history. They’re looking for every piece of power that they can get, every law, no matter how ugly that law may be. Even the laws that interned Japanese people during World War Two. I’m sure they would be more than happy to use those at some point.”

James Luther Adams, my mentor at Harvard Divinity School, was in Germany in 1935 and 1936 until he was arrested and deported by the Gestapo. He worked with the underground anti-Nazi church, known as the Confessing Church, led by dissident clergy such as Dietrich Bonhoeffer. Adams saw how swiftly and cravenly German universities, which like ours were considered some of the best in the world, surrendered to the dictates of fascism and self-destructed.

The theologian and philosopher Paul Tillich, a close friend of Adams, was fired from his teaching post and blacklisted ten weeks after the Nazis came to power in January 1933. Tillich’s book “The Socialist Decision” was immediately banned by the Nazis. Tillich, a Lutheran pastor, along with the sociologist Karl Mannheim and the philosopher Max Horkheimer, who wrote “Eclipse of Reason” which examines the rise of authoritarianism, were branded as “enemies of the Reich,” blacklisted and forced into exile. The 1933 “Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service” saw all Jewish professors dismissed. The vast majority of academics cowered in fear or, as with the case of the philosopher Martin Heidegger, joined the Nazi Party, which saw him appointed as the Rector of Freiburg University.

Adams saw in the Christian Right disturbing similarities with the German Christian Church, which was pro-Nazi. He was the first person I heard refer to the Christian Right as “Christian fascists.” He also warned us about universities and academics which, if the country fell into authoritarianism, would debase themselves to protect their status and privileges. Few would speak out or defy authority.

“If the Nazis took over America, 60 percent of the Harvard faculty would happily begin their lectures with the Nazi salute,” he quipped.

And this is where we are. None of the liberal institutions, including the universities, the commercial media and the Democratic Party, will defend us. They will remain supine, hypocritically betray their supposed principles and commitment to democracy or willingly transform themselves into apologists for the regime. The purges and silencing of our most courageous and accomplished intellectuals, writers, artists and journalists–begun before Trump’s return to the White House–is being expedited.

Resistance will be left to us. Enemies of the state.

[Chris Hedges, who graduated from seminary at Harvard Divinity School, worked for nearly two decades as a foreign correspondent for The New York Times, National Public Radio and other news organizations in Latin America, the Middle East and the Balkans. He was part of the team of reporters at The New York Times who won a Pulitzer Prize for their coverage of global terrorism. Hedges is a fellow at the Nation Institute and the author of numerous books, including ‘War is a Force That Gives Us Meaning’. Courtesy: The Chris Hedges Report.]

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More Than 1,800 Academics Say They Will Boycott Columbia—and the Number Is Growing

Jessica Halliday Hardie and Ajantha Subramanian

Near the end of March, Gary Wilder, a professor of anthropology at the City University of New York, sent an email about his decision to decline attending a conference at Columbia University, explaining he was doing so because Columbia is ​“actively colluding with the U.S. government’s project to destroy higher education and criminalize dissent.”

“A boycott is one of the few instruments available to the academic community through which to censure Columbia,” Wilder wrote to many of those involved in the gathering.

Wilder is one of more than 1,800 academics and 50 organizations who have joined a quickly expanding boycott of Columbia, which has been at the center of U.S. state and political repression surrounding activism for Palestinian liberation.

This boycott is in line with the position taken by the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) that “institutions of higher education that themselves violate academic freedom or the fundamental rights upon which academic freedom depends” are legitimate targets of academic boycotts.

As professors, we have watched with increasing horror as the Trump administration wages war against universities, students and faculty which aims not only to undermine institutional autonomy, but also to transform these campuses into an arm of the security state. And we have watched with equal horror as these universities have elected to capitulate to this repression, choosing to place their students, faculty and staff at great risk.

No university has acquiesced as eagerly and fully as Columbia. The lengths to which administrators have been willing to go also suggests their actions are not mere capitulation, but rather a strategic alignment with the Trump administration.

Last year, Columbia invited the New York Police Department onto its campus, which resulted in the brutalizing and arrest of students protesting genocide. This prompted the first organized boycott of the institution. Since then, Columbia’s leadership has disciplined, suspended and expelled students, failed to protect Palestine supporters from relentless harassment and doxxing, and hounded faculty who dare stand up for their students and long-established principles of academic freedom.

Since Trump’s return to the Oval Office, Columbia’s regime of oppression against its own faculty, students and staff has intensified. On March 5, nine Barnard students were arrested for staging a sit-in to demand the administration reverse the prior expulsions of three student activists. Soon after, Columbia updated its public safety protocols to allow U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement, or ICE, on campus without a judicial warrant in the case of “exigent circumstances.”

Then, on March 8, Mahmoud Khalil, a recent master’s graduate who was a lead negotiator with the Columbia administration during the Gaza solidarity encampment, was detained by ICE. Khalil had endured months of doxxing by the pro-Israel site Canary Mission, by the more recently formed group, Documenting Jew Hatred on Campus and by members of Columbia’s own faculty who called for his deportation. He had also been subject to disciplinary investigations by Columbia’s newly created Office of Institutional Equity. Columbia never responded to his email pleading the university for protection the day before his detainment.

Khalil is not the only student Columbia has endangered. On March 11, Ranjani Srinivasan, an international graduate student whose visa was revoked by the Department of Homeland Security on the spurious charge of being “involved in activities supporting Hamas,” fled into hiding and eventually to Canada after Columbia withdrew her from her Ph.D. program and the university’s campus security allegedly allowed ICE into her apartment. Two days later, Columbia allegedly allowed ICE into the dorm room of Yunseo Chung, a junior at Columbia who was arrested at a pro-Palestine protest. Chung, who has been in the U.S. since the age of 7, has since sued the government to prevent her deportation.

That same day, 20 more students were expelled, including Grant Miner, the president of the student workers union. The timing speaks volumes. The Trump administration had delivered what Katherine Franke, a Columbia faculty member forced into early retirement for her pro-Palestine views, called a ransom note.” It gave the university a week to, among other things, suspend or expel student activists, centralize disciplinary procedures in the Office of the Provost, implement severe restrictions on public assembly, adopt the definition of anti-Zionism as antisemitism, and impose administrative oversight of the Middle East, South Asian, and African Studies Department as well as the Institute for Israel and Jewish Studies and the university’s Tel Aviv program.

Columbia not only acquiesced to all the demands of said letter, but exceeded Trump’s dictates by suspending faculty governance of the Center for Palestine Studies, the only such center in the country, and placing it, along with other departments and institutes, under the purview of a senior vice provost appointed by the administration.

Boycotts are imperfect tools. As we were writing the most recent boycott letter, we spoke to Columbia students who are distraught at the horrors faced by their peers, and are worried about their own futures. We spoke to faculty who support the call for boycott, while others are concerned a boycott will amount to a further suppression of their voices.

We are calling for a renewed push around the boycott because of Columbia’s flagrant violation of academic freedom and faculty governance. We cannot conduct business as usual until Columbia’s administrators reverse their decision to disenroll, expel and suspend students. We cannot give colloquia and sit on panels until they reject Trump’s demands to censor programming and suppress oppositional voices on campus.

We say this as we remain committed to standing with Columbia faculty, students and staff whose lives are irreparably altered. We are committed to standing with them against an institution that has abdicated its responsibility towards them and set a precedent that impacts every person who cares about education and free speech in this nation.

We all know that when faced with this type of repression, institutions — particularly those with multibillion-dollar endowments like Columbia — always have a choice. Just this week, Tufts University released a clear declaration of support for their student, Rümeysa Öztürk. The Rutgers University Senate has passed a resolution to form a “mutual defense compact” among Big Ten schools to provide mutual financial and legal support in defending against federal incursions. Researchers from the University of Michigan, the University of New Mexico and Harvard University have joined a lawsuit opposing the termination of National Institutes of Health grants. When universities have failed to act, faculty associations themselves have stepped up. AAUP and the Middle East Studies Association have filed a suit to prevent the deportation of students and faculty who have participated in pro-Palestine protests. AAUP and the American Federation of Teachers are also suing the Trump administration to restore the $400 million in federal grants and contracts to Columbia University.

These acts of resistance are vital because academic freedom is a cornerstone of democracy. Aspiring dictators know this all too well. In Turkey, which observers have noted appears to be a political model for Trump, academics were purged from their jobs and jailed in the aftermath of a 2016 coup attempt, and many who have remained live under constant fear of being reported to authorities by students. Hungary’s Central European University was forced to relocate to Vienna in 2019 after Viktor Orbán’s government passed legislation preventing it from issuing U.S.-accredited degrees. In India, dissident students and faculty have been physically attacked and jailed on manufactured charges, and universities there have been forced into ideological conformity with Narendra Modi’s Hindu nationalist project.

While we acknowledge and understand that many of our colleagues and friends are frightened to speak out, we believe that acquiescence is not an option. The violence targeting universities pales in comparison to the violence that students and faculty are protesting: the scholasticide and genocide in Gaza.

For those of us with the privilege to do so, the only option is to oppose the repression here and the devastation which unfathomably continues there, to withhold our labor and presence from Columbia, and to do so collectively — and loudly.

(Jessica Halliday Hardie is a professor of sociology at Hunter College and the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and a member of CUNY Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine. Ajantha Subramanian is a professor of anthropology at the Graduate Center of the City University of New York and a member of CUNY Faculty and Staff for Justice in Palestine. Courtesy: Truthout, a US nonprofit news organization dedicated to providing independent reporting and commentary on a diverse range of social justice issues.)