[Recently the Brazilian regime, through the action of its repressive forces, invaded and destroyed a part of the camp that the Landless Movement of Brazil had been maintaining for 20 years in Quilombo Grande do Campo, in Mina Gerais. It is not surprising that this should happen, since the MST is in the sights of the bourgeoisie, the landowners and, of course, the genocidal government of Jair Bolsonaro; they are an example of another different world, and with their resistance they enlighten many people on the continent and in the world. To talk about what happened there, we contacted Daniel Pereira, a leader in the area of production of the Movement, and one of the members of the camp that was attacked.]
Carlos Aznarez: Tell us how the events at Camp Quilombo Campo Grande occurred. How did the police attack take place and what did this camp, which for so many years has been built by the Brazilian Landless Workers Movement, represent?
Daniel Pereira: Quilombo Campo Grande is a popular camp, located in Campo do Meio and has 450 families. It is a camp that has resisted for more than 20 years, in an area that was dedicated to the plantation of sugar cane for the production of alcohol. In this process of struggle there are two legal procedures of expropriation of the land. One of them is that of the headquarters of the old hacienda. And the other, is the 3900 hectares. The process of attack and “reintegration” that we suffered refers to a smaller but important area, which is where the headquarters of the old hacienda is located. That area is 26 hectares. Due to judicial manipulation in the process, it was expanded to 52 hectares and when the boundaries were established to carry out the “reintegration” it was increased to 100 hectares. In this area there was a training school, which had been created more than 60 years ago (renamed Eduardo Galeano). When the camp was created, children and adults studied there, became literate, and grew up participating in school activities. In addition, there were old plots of land that were used to house families. There were areas, or lots, where families lived. Then, in that area, the brutal police attack that began on August 12 and ended on August 14 in the afternoon was carried out. It was 56 hours of hard resistance. The police, carrying out a judicial order, evicted the 14 families who lived in that territory. Not only that, but the school was destroyed and torn down. The houses of the families were demolished. Everything the families had planted was destroyed. Fundamentally, in the midst of this process, the police used a large repressive apparatus, vehicles, machines, drones, helicopters, many personnel. Tear gas bombs were fired at people both from the ground and from the helicopters. Some people were injured by the impact of tear gas bombs, all suffered the difficulties generated by those gases, including one person who had heart problems, who needed special treatment and had to be assisted by the families, because there was no medical assistance from the police authorities.
CA: Did you know this was going to happen, or did the police suddenly appear? You said there was a judicial proceeding, did you imagine that there was going to be an eviction with such violent characteristics?
DP: The first moment we realized that the eviction was coming, the families here organized themselves and became overwhelmingly involved. In that process of resistance, some of them set up roadblocks where the police troops were. Others provided support with food, took care of the children, arranged for health care. As for the process itself, it is a process that takes, in judicial terms, several years. The verdict was handed down at the end of last year and the beginning of this year. In March of this year this “reintegration” (attack and dispossession) was scheduled to take place. What is happening? The coronavirus pandemic emerged and “reinstatement” was suspended until the pandemic was over. What outrages us is that in the midst of the health crisis, which is worldwide, the government of Minas Gerais and the judge who presided over the process, determined that this attack would be reactivated. The health risks and other elements of the rights of families were not taken into account. Knowing that there was a court decision, it was a surprise in the sense that we did not imagine the size of the cruelty in carrying out such an action during the pandemic.
CA: From what I understood, what was reinstated or what the police forces occupied was one part, the other part is still being held by you as peasants, or is that also out for now?
DP: It was one part. In the other sector of the camp the families remain resisting, producing, providing education, building values, developing a dignified life and new forms of society. Particularly, production focused on agro-ecology in the sense of demonstrating that it is the farmers who put healthy, quality food on the family table. It is precisely this production that strengthens us and allows us to resist in this space. We demonstrate that we enter the land to produce, to generate life.
CA: What are they producing there and to whom do these products go?
DP: In the Quilombo Grande camp, a large amount of food is produced: vegetables, fruits, and also coffee. There are families who raise cattle, pigs, chickens, they sell eggs. There is a great diversity of production. In terms of coffee, for example, in recent years, more or less 900 thousand kilos of coffee beans have been produced. This is what is being produced by families. But we have to consider the number of animals they have in their production, the number of fruit trees, the number of vegetables, and so on. This production, especially in terms of vegetables, is marketed in various locations. We sell at fairs, here in the municipality, in another city nearby. Apart from that, every week we deliver during this special period of the pandemic, what we call agro-ecological baskets in other cities for more than 50 families. Every week we take various foods to a fixed location. Coffee is part of all production, it is industrialized, we have diverse varieties of coffee that are commercialized both locally and in other cities, including São Paulo. We do this especially through the network of field warehouses, created by the Landless Movement.
CA: Finally, what power are you facing at the local level? Who governs Minas Gerais? I suppose that because of all that Brazil is going through with this Bolsonaro dictatorship, the Landless Movement has been in the crosshairs of these people all along.
DP: Looking at the political context, in the region, in the state of Minas Gerais, we have a right-wing governor who is clearly against the MST and any popular movement. He is carrying out a policy that is comparable to national policy, which is genocidal, which is not taking into account what is happening with the pandemic and allowing interventions like this one that we have suffered. It’s at the field level as well as the urban level. There are also deputies and officials who are right-wing, with a conservative or ultra-conservative position. Therefore, they are totally adverse to the movement. In the municipality, at the local level, the municipal mayor also has a position against the MST and if it were up to him we would no longer be here. So, we are facing a very adverse political environment, but we are standing firm and resisting. The main thing, however, is that despite the adversities we have had the support of the people, of people who live in the city, of small producers, of university students, of teachers, of unions, and so on. This solidarity supports us and gives us strength in our struggle. We achieved that solidarity because we have shown that we have come to work the land, to produce food, to transform this reality, to transform a land that was previously unproductive and now manages to generate life and dignity for the people who live there, but also a better life of higher quality and greater health for those who live in the city.
CA: Thank you very much for this interview, our solidarity from Argentina and also from the comrades who are part of ALBA Movements who have tried to circulate it to show that the MST is not alone.
DP: Thank you Carlos, thank you to the comrades who have shown their solidarity and support in these days, whether through messages, phone calls, and who are very attentive to what is happening here. That internationalist solidarity is fundamental in our struggle. We are convinced that if it is necessary, we will also be in solidarity with you and your struggles, and we will be together to build a different society and project of society, where people live with dignity and where exploitation and oppression are overcome.
