Francisco Dominguez and Don Fitz
When in 1868, Cuban slave-owner Manuel de Céspedes embarked on a 10-year nationalist uprising against Spain, the colonial master, he did not imagine he would be building not only the political bases of an independent Cuba but also the ideological blocks of a new Cuban identity.
Scholars correctly point out that Ten Years War (1868-78) turned out to be the “crucible of mass [Cuban] nationalism” since for the first time ever “blacks and whites… joined together” in the struggle for independence. About 70 percent of the fighters and officers were black or mulatto, and therefore, racist concerns that could make Cuba another Haiti, arose among the reluctant pro-independence white elite. In the second independence war (1895-98) Blacks may have contributed with over 85 percent of the rank and file soldiers, thus exacerbating white elite misgivings about independence.
It is well known that Cuba’s elite, upon being conceded a heavily US-protected independence in 1903, robbed blacks of the fruits of the victory they did more than anybody else to achieve. They were excluded from the police force (officers “had to be White, with fucking blue eyes…” – ex-slave in 1968 interview), but also from the civil service, parliament, and from just about every public sphere. Thus black people rebelled against discrimination in 1912, which was brutally crushed with about 3,000 of them were slaughtered.
Thus by 1959, on the eve of Fidel’s Revolution, the Black population was overwhelmingly poor, were overrepresented among the prison population, had the lowest educational levels, including high levels of illiteracy and chronic unemployment, inhabited squalid lodgements and neighbourhoods or tenements (solares), and were de facto discriminated in every other sphere of social, political and cultural life, which included even public spaces such as parks, i.e. they suffered from institutionalised racism. The promise of equality proclaimed by the republic was by 1959 thoroughly unfulfilled, despite formal laws that abstractly condemned racism and discrimination.
Fidel’s revolution ensured full employment on egalitarian bases, many of the jobs created where in industry, social services, health, education and high technology sectors, which recruited year after large number of skilled labour that the comprehensive, universal and free education system was churning out, year in, year out. The significance of this was monumental since by 1959 Cuba’s Black population was about half of the total. In this period 106 social programmes were implemented and instituted.
Additionally all forms of discrimination were abolished by the Cuban Revolution starting from an open debate on the issue to which Fidel invited intellectuals, academics, activists, workers, social organizations, members of political parties, and others. Among the many conclusions and decisions coming out of the debate came books, articles, and the promotion of important national and international events in Black History. The constitution prohibits any form of discrimination based on race, gender or ethnic origin, and all relevant institutions educate Cubans from a tender age on the ethical and philosophical principles that all human beings are equal. Cuban culture vigorously celebrates its African-ness through music, carnivals, and the very widespread practice of Santería, an Afro-Cuban religion brought by slaves to Cuba in the 17th century.
Many Black men and women since 1959, have had access to the highest levels of politics, science, education, technology and social life in general. A former British MP struck a powerful chord when he said this truth: Cuba is the only country on earth where the daughter of a sugar cane cutter, could become a medical doctor. Yet some racist social and cultural attitudes persist, but they pale into insignificance compared to advanced countries, such as the U.S. or the U.K. The current Cuban government led by Miguel Diaz-Canel has launched a comprehensive government programme, called AponteCommission, after José Antonio Aponte, leader of the 1812 slave rebellion, to combat it. Unlike ‘civilized’ countries where statues for slave traffickers and racist generals have been erected.
And, there is the role socialist Cuba has played in Africa, where its manifestations of solidarity have, on more than one occasion risked the very existence of the revolution itself, such as in Angola both in 1975 and 1987 when Fidel, at the request of the MPLA pro-independence movement requested military assistance, of which he sent sufficient to defeat both Western powers intervention and apartheid South African elite troops.
Cuba has contributed in very practical ways to the liberation struggle of Algeria, Ghana, Congo, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, South Africa, and a few others. No wonder, the very first country Nelson Mandela visited after his release from prison in 1991, even though he received red-carpet invitations to many ‘weighty’ countries in the world, was Cuba. At the gigantic rally held in Havana to welcome him Mandela said:
“The Cuban people hold a special place in the hearts of the people of Africa. The Cuban internationalists have made a contribution to African independence, freedom, and justice, unparalleled for its principled and selfless character. From its earliest days the Cuban revolution has itself been a source of inspiration to all freedom-loving people.”
Yes, for Socialist Cuba Black Lives Do Matter.
(Dr Francisco Dominguez is a senior lecturer at Middlesex University, London, where he is head of the Research Group on Latin America. He is National Secretary of the Venezuela Solidarity Campaign.)
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A Statue of Hatuey
Don Fitz
If you look at a US $20 bill, you might notice Andrew Jackson nervously watching statues of Columbus and Robert E. Lee coming down and wondering if his face is going to disappear from currency. As Democrats ponder which militarist they wish to glorify in the next round of monuments, it is critical to realize that statues which go up are at least as important as the ones that come down. Perhaps the best nominee for a new statue is Hatuey.
A few years ago, while visiting my daughter and grandson in Havana, I learned that his favorite playmate was Hatuey. “I recognize a lot of Spanish names,” I told my daughter. “But I’ve never heard that one.”
“It’s not Hispanic,” she let me know. “It’s the name of the great Taino warrior killed by the Spaniards.”
Long, long ago, before slavery existed in the colonies that would become the US; even before the first Dutch and British slave ships ventured to Africa, Spanish invaders discovered the Taino people in Hispaniola (now Haiti and the Dominican Republic) and Cuba. In 1512, the Taino invited the Spaniards to a great feast in their honor.
After the Spaniards ate the food and drank the beverages prepared for them by 2500 Taino, they drew their swords and hacked their hosts – men, women and children – to pieces. Those who were not slaughtered were dragged by the Spaniards to forced labor. They ordered them to carry loads they could not possibly lift and joked among themselves as they killed more.
As the Taino lay dying, priests knelt down to share the good news of Jesus Christ with them. If they would let Christ into their hearts, they would enjoy eternal salvation.
About 400 Taino managed to escape from the massacre and took canoes from Hispaniola to eastern Cuba. Unfortunately, most of the Tainos in Cuba would not believe that people existed who were as cruel as those in the story they heard (somewhat like those in the 21st century who do not believe the outcomes of climate change for humanity).
Hatuey led the first guerrilla warfare against European invasion of the western hemisphere. His band conducted several hit-and-run attacks against the invaders and were not defeated in battle. But a traitor informed the Spaniards of the mountain where they hid and they were surrounded and captured.
Hatuey was brought before the Spanish general who told him, “If you accept the King of Spain as your sovereign and Jesus Christ as your savior, then we will kill you quickly and you will pass to heavenly paradise forever. But if you do not accept the King and Jesus, then we will burn you alive and you will be damned to burn in hell for eternity.”
Hatuey asked, “Are there Spaniards in heaven?”
“Oh, yes,” the general chuckled. “Heaven is full of Spaniards.”
Hatuey’s last words were, “I would rather burn in hell forever than spend one day in paradise with Spaniards.”
* * *
One time I was telling the story of Hatuey, a listener replied, “I heard that, but I thought that Hatuey was from a tribe in Mexico. Another time, a person told me he thought Hatuey was an Inca resisting Pizarro’s invasion of Peru.
Wanting to make sure that I had it right, I checked on Google, which Wall Street would have us believe has replaced the bible as the ultimate source of wisdom and truth. Sure enough, Google confirmed Hatuey’s existence in Cuba.
But then a thought entered my mind. What if Hatuey, in some way, did exist in Mexico, Peru, and in tribes throughout North America, South America, Central America and the Caribbean? Could it be possible that the flames which consumed Hatuey’s body now burn in the hearts and minds of those who resist oppression everywhere?
* * *
A monument to Hatuey is in Baracoa, Cuba. The plate at the base reads “To the memory of Chief Hatuey, unforgettable native, precursor of the Cuban liberty, who offered his life, and glorified his rebellion in the martyrdom of the flames on 2/2/1512.”
(Don Fitz is on the Editorial Board of Green Social Thought. He was the 2016 candidate of the Missouri Green Party for Governor.)
